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Hitting the ground running: The first 100 days
Hitting the ground running: The first 100 days

Posts Tagged ‘Conservative Party Conference’

Powering on: what have we learnt about energy from this year’s party conferences?

With energy and climate being one of the policy areas where the new Government have built most momentum, the sector is getting to grips with what’s likely to come next and how this will be sustained over the course of the Parliament. Net zero was a significant focus at both the Labour and Conservative Party conferences, although with vast differences in how it was approached.

What has the last fortnight taught us over how both parties are approaching energy and decarbonisation, and what emerging trends became clear at fringes, in the keynote speeches and in side discussions between industry? Here are our reflections on what we learnt.

  1. There’s a tension emerging between delivery against generation targets and using this investment to drive wider social change

The energy sector has a critical role to play in at least two of the Government’s Missions: Clean Power by 2030 and Economic Growth (and arguably also the Opportunity Mission considering the critical importance of skills). The fastest, lowest cost and most efficient delivery of projects is essential to ensure success against these agendas. However, it’s also not a secret that Labour governments are keen to deliver social change. The phrase “inclusive growth” was used repeatedly by Cabinet Ministers in Liverpool.

But can you deliver projects as quickly as possible while also maximising their social impact? While Ministers are clear that they are prioritising project delivery, important voices within the wider Labour movement are calling for policy changes that will ensure the UK’s energy system is more actively used as a vehicle for delivering social reforms.

Nature groups are campaigning for an amendment to the Great British Energy Bill which would give the new body an “environmental duty”, with a requirement to consider the impact on biodiversity. Trade union representatives used contributions at fringe events in Liverpool to advocate for public subsidy and financial support – through the Contracts for Difference (CfD) mechanism, the British Jobs Bonus and the National Wealth Fund – to be conditional on developer commitments around UK content and supply chain support, and trade union recognition for their workforces.

While these proposals are not government policy, they demonstrate the different pressures that Ministers are facing and that business need to be attuned to.

  1. Technologies that will have a role to play after 2030 need to be making the case now for attention

The 2030 Clean Power Plan that Energy Secretary Ed Miliband and the head of Clean Power Mission Control Chris Stark have tasked the newly established National Energy System Operator (NESO) with creating this Autumn will create a clear pathway for projects and technologies that will be essential to meeting this target. There’s likely to be a much smoother delivery pathway for these projects – with the prospect of preferential access to grid connections for example.

However, there’s a clear risk for those technologies that aren’t identified as fitting into this category, but that are likely to have a medium to long-term role including to meet 2050 targets. Nuclear and likely some carbon capture and hydrogen projects are most impacted.

It’s not to say there is no political support for these projects or technologies, however a tunnel-vision focus on 2030 creates a risk of more limited political attention for these solutions and the policy steps required to help them progress being deprioritised.

Industry have a narrow window to make a very clear case to government and NESO now on the 2030 contribution that these projects and technologies can make, and to articulate the risks for future viability – which will still be needed to hit future targets – if progress slows and key decision points are deferred.

  1. Market reform is reappearing on the policy agenda

Reforming how the electricity market works is divisive within industry. The review of electricity market arrangements (REMA) process has occupied significant political, policy, regulatory and industry time and attention to date, with little tangible progress.

However, in the fringe discussions in Liverpool and Birmingham, the debate was reopened. Advocates for a more locational approach to electricity market pricing argue that it will reduce bills. The case against is essentially that the benefits are overstated, and it will create significant market disruption.

There won’t be quick solutions to this one but expect the discussion to intensify over the next six months or so.

  1. Heat decarbonisation is the next big issue on the policy agenda

It’s not a surprise that the Government has sought to deliver as many ‘quick wins’ as possible in the first 100 days, with a particular policy focus on renewables. Limited bandwidth means political attention has been directed towards this part of the energy market.

But with many tough challenges to address across the energy market, this focus will need to widen throughout the Autumn and beyond. It was clear from talking to politicians and industry at both Party Conferences that heat decarbonisation is likely to become a key focus over the next 6-12 months. Often neglected and seen as too difficult to solve, how to decarbonise heat and buildings can’t easily be ignored for much longer.

With key decisions over future technologies expected to be taken in 2026, impatience from industry for the introduction of the Future Home Standard and questions over exactly what Labour’s Warm Homes Plan looks like, this is a theme that will occupy much more policy, political and media time in the months to come. It’s also a space where the government’s thinking is less mature, creating significant opportunities for constructive solutions – both at a policy and delivery level.

  1. The future direction of Conservative energy policy is starting to emerge

The outcome of the Conservative leadership election at the start of November will clearly shape how the Party scrutinises Labour’s energy policy over the course of this Parliament. However, a number of themes are already becoming clear. At the heart of it is likely to be a focus on supporting new nuclear – a combination of GW scale and newer technologies like SMRs, AMRs and fusion. The support for nuclear from Conservative Party politicians at panel discussions in Birmingham was fulsome, and centre-right thinkers are pushing the technology heavily. Conservative Party politicians believe that Labour’s support for the technology is relatively shallow, offering them a chance to highlight policy gaps.

Beyond this, expect continued scrutiny of the impact and value of GB Energy, continued support for North Sea oil and gas, and an argument that the 2030 Clean Power target is creating unintended consequences – increasing the whole system costs of renewables and leading to a lack of focus on medium to long-term technologies. The challenge in the long run will be how to build a distinctly Conservative policy platform while engaging constructively with a government agenda which they instinctively perceive as overly centralised and planned.

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Why Conservative leadership candidates are going back to legacy social media platforms

From TikTok back to Facebook: Why Conservative leadership candidates are going back to legacy social media platforms

This year’s Conservative Party conference marks the final stretch of the party’s leadership election. MPs will cast their votes at the start of next month to whittle down the candidates from four to two.  

This has been a markedly different process on social media compared to the parties’ social media campaigning during the General Election. Remember how TikTok was all the rage? Every major media outlet was reporting on how Labour and the Conservatives were publishing videos from their newly minted TikTok accounts. Both parties jumped on trends like the now infamous Man in Finance song, and they weren’t shy about taking jabs at each other. 

Our team has been tracking the follower growth of each of the Tory candidates across social media since mid-August. You’d expect their follower numbers to have had a healthy jump up, right? Spoiler alert: they haven’t. 

CandidateX followers
13-Aug20-Aug27-Aug3-Sep10-Sep17-Sep24-Sep
Kemi Badenoch175,400175,400175,600176,800178,700178,800179,100
James Cleverly242,100242,100242,200242,300242,400242,600242,700
Robert Jenrick71,50072,50072,70073,40074,00074,50075,800
Tom Tugendhat140,300140,300140,200140,300140,400140,400140,700

 

Some platforms – including General Election favourite TikTok – have been ignored. Of the four remaining candidates, only James Cleverly and Robert Jenrick have accounts on TikTok.

But what’s the cause of this stall? 

General Election vs. Leadership Election etiquette  

Before digging into the digital nuances of the Tory leadership Election, it’s worth keeping in mind the differences between these elections.  

The most important factor is the voter base. Both Labour and the Conservatives closely guard their membership data. But from looking at recent articles about voting intentions, it wouldn’t be an unfair assumption that the average Tory party member is older than the average Labour party member. 

Also, money talks, or more accurately in this case, stops you from being everywhere all at once. With a limited budget, the candidates have made the right decision to focus their efforts on the platforms they know party members are active on.  

Put simply, each candidate is zeroing in on the people who will actually be voting.  

TikTok is not the place for Tory party politics 

TikTok was the hot new political campaigning channel during the General Election. Though arguably the commentary from media outlets about the content had a greater impact than the reactions on TikTok. 

The platform is fast-paced and it’s the perfect place to publish more off-kilter content. But here’s the thing: the candidates don’t want to look off-brand to the party members. After their General Election loss, members are looking for stability, not TikTok-esque quirkiness. We’re seeing this playing out, with candidates talking about renewal, unity, and rebuilding the UK. 

Additionally, many of the party members the candidates are trying to appeal to will not be on active on TikTok. There’s no need to publish a scathing video about Starmer on TikTok if the majority of your voter base isn’t going to see it. 

Back to the established Meta platforms 

The four remaining candidates have large followings on Instagram and Facebook; Badenoch has over 26,000 followers on Facebook. If they already have captive audiences on the Meta platforms, it makes sense to focus their digital campaigning efforts on them. Compared to TikTok’s default of unstructured thoughts, Facebook gives the candidates the space to discuss their into their positions on immigration, taxes, and other pressing topics for party members.  

X is still a key political battleground 

Regardless of your views on Elon Musk, it is undeniable that X has changed in more than just name since he bought the platform. Every change to the platform has sparked debated on whether it would lose its relevance. This leadership election has proven that it still has its place in British politics. 

Where Facebook has been used for planned content, X is still the place for candidates to react to news and announcements coming out from Labour. Jenrick has reposted Labour content and stated its, “declaring way on pensioners,” and Cleverly critiqued the Lib Dem conference. 

Is TikTok done for in British politics? 

No. But it’s not the popular kid right now. 

This shift from TikTok to more traditional social media platforms, such a Facebook and X, shows us candidates are adapting their strategies to match their audience.  

While TikTok may take centre stage again when it’s time for the next general election, right now, it’s all about engaging the people who count. And that means Facebook posts, X debates, and a lot fewer dance challenges. 

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Railing against the consensus – Conservative Party Conference and Transport

After weeks of speculation, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak has used his keynote speech at Conservative Party Conference to wield the axe against HS2’s Birmingham to Manchester leg.

The announcement is the latest shift from the Prime Minister that impacts the transport sector and reiterates the prominence of transport issues as we head towards an election in 2024.

What happened at Conservative Party Conference?

HS2 cast a shadow across the Conference. Whilst rail featured heavily on the fringe – covering topics from rail reform, contracting, rolling stock and decarbonisation – the debate over HS2 predictably dominated discussion.

Leaks meant that industry, Ministers, backbenchers, and regional stakeholders all sought to make their case ahead of the announcement, with West Midlands Metro Mayor Andy Street unsuccessfully trying to fight a rearguard action. Many on the fringe and across the sector will be frustrated by how No10 has handled the comms for this announcement, especially considering reports first emerged weeks ago.

Sunak’s alternative to HS2 is the reinvestment of £36 billion into the new “Network North” plan. Spending will be spread across new road, rail and bus projects aimed to improve interconnectivity across the North and beyond. However, there is little to cheer for the rail sector with DfT subsequently confirming that only about 30 percent of the funding will go to rail, with the remainder for local transport and roads, and no new capacity for north-south rail passengers.

Whilst rail dominated Sunak’s remarks, Transport Secretary Mark Harper reiterated the government’s focus on motorists.

His ‘Plan for Drivers’ brings together 30 measures aimed at improving car journeys at expense of bus lanes, low traffic neighbourhoods and travelable 15-minute communities. It is the latest example of how the Conservatives want to project a ‘pro-car’ image, and position Labour as ‘anti-motorist’.

Other modes of transport – plane, maritime, active travel and more – were largely absent from the focus of senior politicians in Manchester.

The reaction to Conference

Sunak is realistic his announcements will not be welcomed by industry or many politically and predictably the immediate reaction has been largely negative. This was borne out by the criticism from prominent Conservative and Labour Party figures who have been quick to raise concerns and reflect doubt about the Network North alternative.

On social media, for every positive post there are three negative.

Stakeholder reaction

The Prime Minister’s gamble – like with the delay on petrol and diesel cars – is that it reignites support for the Conservatives among the voting public that he needs to win over in more rural and suburban parts of the country.  He will be cheered to see positive support from several Conservative MPs in critical swing seats in the North.

What to look out for from Labour Conference

Yesterday’s announcement is the latest attempt in transport policy from Sunak to create a wedge issue between the parties. Labour must decide if it will support the government’s plans or risk supporting a project widely recognised as poorly run at the expense of many alternative projects that the electorate may prefer.

Like with continued support for the 2030 ICE ban in favour of EVs, Labour is caught between a rock and a hard place. Labour will need to use the Conference to set out its plans and give industry more confidence about what the future could look like, without falling into the Conservative bear trap.

For business, the transport battleground will require careful navigation. To be heard, sectors will need to recognise the competing priorities of both parties and how their case can align with them without becoming the focal point of a new debate. This calls for a balancing act of discreet engagement married with public communication that builds support with both.

To discuss how to achieve this balance, please get in contact with me on jamiecapp@wacomms.co.uk.

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